Mexico City: An uneasy quiet has returned to the Mexican capital following what is increasingly becoming known as the decena tragica. A pall of smoke hangs over much of the city and the stench of unburied corpses permeates the air. Squads of federal troops, so often strangely absent during the worst of the fighting, now patrol the streets, checking papers and sometimes seizing young men and bustling them out of sight. Many on the street are confused as to exactly what has happened here and why. One thing is certain; General Victoriano Huerta is clearly in charge now and his new regime brings with it the best chance for a restoration of order.

Although many facts remain murky, it is clear that during the early morning hours of February 9th, reactionary elements freed General Bernardo Reyes and Felix Diaz, both leaders of previous failed coups. Detachments of disloyal federal troops moved on the Santiago barracks where Reyes was being held under arrest and the penitentiary where Diaz was being held under suspended sentence of death. At this point, the total forces available to the rebels were limited to approximately 800 men and three batteries of artillery. Their ranks included some 600 Aspirantes or cadets from the cavalry academy at Tlalpam, located 15 miles south of the capital. Once released, General Reyes placed himself at the head of a column of 200 mounted troops and moved on the Presidential Palace to topple the regime of President Francisco Madero, arriving at 7:00 am. A number of senior military officers, including the Palace Guard commander, Colonel Morelos, were amongst the supporters of Reyes and Diaz. The insurgents were, therefore, surprised when, instead of co-conspirator Morelos, General Lauro Villar, the loyal Capital Post commander, was found in personal command of the roughly 200-man palace garrison. Colonel Morelos' role in the coup had only just been discovered and he was arrested barely two hours before the arrival of Reyes. Instead of being saluted by an honor guard and ushered into the palace to arrest Madero and proclaim himself Provisional President of the Mexican Republic, Reyes found himself stopped 30 yards short of the palace gates and warned that bloodshed would result if he continued further. Reyes apparently doubted the Palace Guard would obey the order to fire and pressed forward. Villar ordered his troops to fire and the garrison, remaining loyal, opened fire with devastating effect, immediately killing Reyes and a number of his followers in the fusillade. Reyes' followers returned fire and General Villar was badly wounded. A battery of 12 heavy machineguns positioned on the palace roof then opened fire on the mounted column and the startled insurgent force withdrew under heavy fire, but not before the garrison captured another disloyal senior officer, General Ruiz. Dead and unattended wounded, including about 300 innocent civilians who had congregated to watch the confrontation, were strewn in the street before the palace gate. President Madero's brother, Gustavo, who played a central role in exposing and arresting the disloyal Palace Guard commander, later explained the large number of civilian casualties resulted from inexperienced peon regulars manning the heavy machineguns, curious about how many they could kill with "the mere turn of a little crank.

At this critical juncture, a determined federal army response would probably have shattered the rebellion. Unaccountably, federal army elements, beyond those in the loyal palace garrison already engaged and anchored to the defense of the palace compound, were initially given no orders to intervene.

Felix Diaz and retired-general Manuel Mondragon advanced up Avenida Cinco de Mayo with a force of 600 cavalry cadets and three batteries of artillery for a deployment in support of Reyes' mounted column. At the sound of the machinegun barrage before the palace, they wheeled their force about, retiring into the center of the capital. Federal army inaction allowed them to occupy the Ciudadela, the federal arsenal. The arsenal was defensible, but its' position in the city center made it easy to invest. The rebel occupation of the Ciudadela after only a brief parley with its' commander meant there would be no quick suppression of the rebellion. The Ciudadela would remain the stronghold of Diaz and his forces for 10 terrible days.

President Madero did not appear on the scene until 9:00 am the first morning. Riding at the head of a force of almost 1,000 cadets from the Chepultepec National Military Academy and mounted police, he arrived at a position on Avenida Juarez on the southern side of the Alameda. Near the National Theater, a sniper firing from an upper window narrowly missed the President. His escort urged him to go no further. Madero responded by ordering the troops in his bodyguard to secure the theater and capture the snipers. Much to their dismay, he then rode back to Chepultepec with only a colonel as escort.

As the first day drew to a close, Madero and his cabinet took what they considered decisive action. General Ruiz, captured during the assault on the palace, and Colonel Morelos, the disloyal commander of the Palace Guard, were both sentenced to death by the cabinet and immediately executed. General Huerta was named commander of all government forces in the capital region, and he concentrated forces to cut off the rebel forces held up in the arsenal. Madero's government ordered federal troops and cannon to the capital from Veracruz, Toluca, Cuernavaca, and other garrisons. Huerta moved artillery and heavy machinegun batteries into the city center. The palace and Ciudadela became opposing camps in what looked to be a war for the capital and the government of Mexico.

Although Huerta and other senior commanders pronounced the arsenal impregnable, many observers here are now questioning why government forces were incapable of crushing the rebellion within 24 to 36 hours. Huerta had at his disposal some 10,000 regular federal troops; Diaz and Mondragon never mustered more than approximately 1,800. Huerta had an overwhelming advantage in heavy artillery, field guns, and heavy machineguns. Foreign observers have also questioned the government tactics. Artillery placed south and southwest of the arsenal would have had a clear field of fire and been ideally situated to reduce the broad exposed façade. A force operating seriously against the Ciudadela would have advanced along the Avenida Chepultepec to the broad Calle Balderas. The combined barrage and mass assault would have driven the rebels from their stronghold. Instead, Huerta moved his batteries frequently between positions sited in the heavily congested residential and business districts north, northeast and northwest of the arsenal. None of these positions enjoyed a clear field of fire against the arsenal. In fact, the Ciudadela was not even visible from most of them. For their part, the rebels placed their few batteries immediately adjacent to the Ciudadela, threatening neither the palace nor the opposing federal batteries. For days on end, fighting consisted primarily of indiscriminate and frequently misdirected artillery and machinegun fire. Civilians suffered disproportionately in these exchanges. According to one journalist who witnessed the fighting first hand:

"For several hours each day there was firing by both parties. Buildings were damaged or demolished, inoffensive persons were killed in their own homes, incautious non-combatants in the streets were shot down. Projectiles of various kinds were fired through streets in which no enemy had appeared. Machineguns discharged thousands of bullets without having any target except some mere unfortunate who might happen to be in range, the purpose of the fusillade being to excite terror and advertise anarchy."

Observers reported field pieces were fired again and again in whatever orientation their previous recoil left them, with no effort by their crews to realign or aim them. One need look no further for proof of this allegation than the incredible fact that the arsenal was hit only once by artillery shells during the entire 10 days and the palace but twice. Those few federal units directly engaged in skirmishing and, therefore, suffering the heaviest casualties were most often units composed of former Maderistas, incorporated into the federal army after the Revolution of 1910. General Felipe Angeles rushed artillery and 1,000 troops to the capital from Cuernavaca, more than 75 miles away. He immediately pushed these into the city center and committed them to the fighting. He was arrested for exceeding his orders. General Blanquet, rumored to have been involved in coup planning, moved select units from Toluca, 45 miles from the capital, to a waiting area outside the city, preferring to enter the city alone to "assess" the situation himself.

Through an exceedingly fortunate, and completely unexpected, turn of events Mr. W.A. Pffankuch is able to announce that the Illustrated London News will be providing international reporting for The Bisbee Review. We hope that our readers will enjoy the exhaustively researched, and comprehensively reported, coverage of world events.

Cleveland: Diplomatic representatives of the Major Powers attended a whirlwind of sporting events. Whilst commenting on the improving political situation in both the Balkans and North Africa they sampled a myriad selection of the new American invention known as "The Cocktail.".

Ashantiland: Rumors that British forces have withdrawn from that newly independent country whose tribal leader is also alledgedly a chartered accountant.

Burma: British forces have withdrawn from that newly independent country whose new emperor is, reportedly, a military genius of oriental sophistication.

Afghanistan: Rumors that something worthy of note may have taken place, but The Bisbee Review had no reporters on the ground.

According to some, General Huerta repeatedly reassured President Madero the situation was under control but that care must be taken to avoid further defections in the army. It was preferable to keep Diaz and his rebels cutoff in the Ciudadela than to risk dislodging them at a high cost in federal casualties and perhaps fresh mutinies. According to Huerta, many of the generals were lukewarm about drastic action. General Blanquet was reportedly aggrieved by the circumstances surrounding the death of General Reyes at the palace gates and was unwilling to push an assault on the rebels. The federal artillery commander, General Navarrette, was reluctant to fire directly upon the arsenal for fear he might kill his earlier mentor, General Mondragon. Huerta emphasized the professional army must be preserved and Madero apparently agreed.

Nevertheless, this seems an inadequate explanation for the farce of the federal response to the rebellion during those fateful 10 days. The only serious fighting in defense of the democratically elected Madero government took place at the palace on the morning of February 9th. As one journalist has reported, all the other engagements were "empty noise, except to the unfortunates whose bodies or property happened to be hit. The cannonade was the long prelude to a bargain; it served to put the terrorized city into a mood to accept what was to come; served also to bring the conspirators to a proper frame of mind, and to combine the various interests they represented." Perhaps the explanation lies in Huerta's own ambitions. The longer the carnage was permitted to continue, the more ineffective the Madero regime appeared. The greater the destruction wrought upon the populace and business interests in the capital, the more receptive they became to any figure strong enough to restore order. The longer the rebels remained helpless and cutoff in the Ciudadelo, the less faith their powerful establishment Cientifico and Haciendado backers placed in them as the reliable solution to the threat from the Maderistas. In the words of the American editor of an influential Mexico City newspaper, Huerta waited "with the indifference to human misery upon which his military idol, Napoleon, might have deigned to compliment him, he permitted the wonton slaughter and terrorizing to go on until it had become evident to those whom he wished to impress that he and no other was the man of the hour."

Foreign nationals scrambled to find shelter from the fighting and US Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson turned the American Embassy into a fortified compound, offering sanctuary to American and European citizens. Wilson, the senior foreign diplomat in Mexico City, reportedly convened a meeting with the ambassadors of Britain, Germany, and Spain at which it was agreed they should call upon President Madero to declare a cease-fire. The Spanish minister, Cologan, was chosen to deliver the appeal, but Madero, assured by Huerta that the army was in the process of putting down the coup, refused to consider the ambassadors' proposal. The diplomats called upon him to restrict the fighting and artillery bombardment to the immediate vicinity of the Ciudadela. There are unconfirmed reports Wilson also called upon Madero to resign and then became enraged when the president refused.

Reports regarding the situation in the capital became increasingly confusing as the "fighting" continued. In Chihuahua on February 11th, Governor Abraham Gonzalez reported, "the government continues to be in firm control of the situation, as reports coming from the capital show." On February 15th, Gonzalez reported to members of his administration, "General Huerta is every day more successful in besieging the Ciudadela, the rest of the city is quiet. Rumors about the resignation of the President are wrong. All fears of intervention have disappeared. The government has full confidence in the patriotism of the people." Unconfirmed reports indicate the German minister in Mexico, von Hintze, was informed by Madero on February 18th, just hours before the President was arrested, that the "west side of the Citadel was intentionally given up to allow Diaz's numerous conspirators opportunities to escape." Madero reportedly added that while he did not like to engage in prophecy, he felt the whole affair would be over in three or four days.

Events on February 18th would prove how misinformed the Mexican president was. Having apparently reached an understanding with Diaz and the rebels, Huerta sent General Blanquet personally to arrest Madero and his vice-president Pino Suarez. At five o'clock that afternoon, Huerta and Blanquet appeared together on the balcony of the palace and informed a cheering crowd, "Mexicans, brothers: there will be no more cannonading. Peace has come." Although we have heard conflicting versions of what subsequently transpired, it appears President Madero and Vice-President Suarez both resigned. The Secretary of State, Pedro Paredes Lascurain, succeeded Madero in accordance with the constitution. Lascurain resigned the provisional presidency immediately in favor of Huerta. One version of events gaining currency amongst the people here is that the US Ambassador arranged a meeting between Huerta and Diaz at which it was agreed Huerta would become the provisional president and Diaz would be given a major role in the selection of the cabinet. The resultant cabinet included Cientifico Francisco Leon de la Barra as Foreign Minister, coup leader General Manuel Mondragon as Minister of War, and the son of deceased coup leader General Reyes, Rodolfo Reyes, as Minister of Justice.

The truth surrounding the fate of the former president and vice-president is even murkier. Having resigned on the 18th, Madero and Suarez were held prisoner at the palace. Madero's wife and mother reportedly appealed unsuccessfully to Ambassador Wilson to intercede with Huerta's government on the former president's behalf. On February 22nd, Provisional President Huerta and an official party from his new government attended a Washington's birthday celebration at the American Embassy. That same evening, Madero and Suarez were quietly bundled into two staff cars and driven to a penitentiary on the outskirts of Mexico City. What happened next is open to debate. According to the official version of events, the two prisoners were caught in a crossfire and killed when supporters attacked and attempted to free them. Many here privately question the likelihood of this. Another version of events holds that Madero and Suarez were removed from the cars at the rear of the penitentiary and then executed by pistol while standing in the headlights of the two cars.

For the present, Huerta is firmly in the saddle, the army has been preserved, and most people in Mexico City are happy to support any leader strong enough to prevent a repetition of the decena tragica.

Mexico City: The recent bloody events in the Mexican capital provide us with tragic figures, a great many villains, but few real heroes. President Francisco Madero emerges as a tragically flawed and doomed figure, deserving of our compassion. General Victoriano Huerta emerges as a "villain of truly operatic proportions," deserving of our censure and loathing. But on the gory stage of this tragic opera, perhaps the sole hero of note to emerge was President Madero's late-brother, Gustavo. Gustavo's brow deserved a hero's laurels and we should adorn his grave with a hero's wreath as a final salute.

It was Gustavo who led the Porra or Progresistas in opposition to the reactionary Centificos, and it was Gustavo who stood in the way of those seeking to make money through graft in army supplies. It was Gustavo who discovered the coup plot and warned his brother - would that Francisco had listened! It was Gustavo who first learned the coup had begun and rushed to the palace during the early morning hours of February 9th to prevent the Palace Guard commander from betraying President Madero. It was Gustavo's bravado and humor that won over the peons of the guard that morning. It was Gustavo who the traitorous Colonel Morelos tried to arrest in the courtyard of the palace. It was Gustavo who stood in his touring car when 400 rifles were leveled at him and who burst into laughter, provoking smothered laughter from the ranks. It was Gustavo who shouted:

"You are a perfect host, my Colonel, never before have such honors been paid me. I was not an invited guest, but I heard of your little party here and I have dropped in. And see how you have welcomed me! Let me stand by your side, I beg of you, to greet your brave friend General Reyes and his fat fighting partner, our own dear Felix. It isn't fair to you, my dear Colonel, to keep these hard-working muchachos up all night waiting for our illustrious friends. The beds at Santiago are very comfortable, and a fierce fighting man like General Reyes needs his rest. Tambien, he has to dress for the presidential part. Don Felix, too, you know, must curl his mustaches and oil his hair, and the boudoir arrangements in the bartolinas at the pen are sadly deficient. The escorts have come a long distance; they are only now arriving in town from Tlalpam and Tacubaya. It will be a good seven o'clock before our guests arrive. Before that time they will have roused all the town with trampings and tootings, and there will be a fine audience out in front. Keep the boys in condition for the big show; let them rest their arms."

It was Gustavo who, within 40 minutes of his arrival, gained effective command of the whole guard. It was Gustavo who arrested Colonel Morelos and assumed command at the palace until the loyal General Villar arrived at six o'clock. It was because of Gustavo's quick action and even quicker wits that General Bernardo Reyes' attempt to seize the presidency on the morning of the ninth ended in failure and the death of the usurper.

During the ensuing 10 days of mayhem and destruction, Gustavo was everywhere, encouraging the soldiers, delivering weapons, bearing witness to the ineffectual federal army response to the coup. He was the one true bulwark of his brother's regime - a hero amongst so many strutting villains.

On February 17th, when the ultimate betrayal of President Madero was negotiated between the Diaz-Mondragon coup leaders and the "loyal" general officers of the federal forces, Gustavo's name topped the list of four men to be eliminated under the new regime. The other three were President Francisco Madero, Vice-President Jose Maria Pino Suarez, and Adolfo Basso. Not surprisingly, it was Gustavo who was the first to be "shot while trying to escape."



Like so many aspects of the final act in this national tragedy, the details of Gustavo Madero's final days are shrouded in "official" accounts. We know that on February 18th, the same day General Blanquet arrested the President, Gustavo was lunching with General Huerta at Gambrinus restaurant on Avenida San Francisco. Shortly before two o'clock, a messenger informed Huerta he was required at the scene of the fighting. Huerta turned to Gustavo and announced, "I have no revolver. Will you lend me yours?" Gustavo willingly obliged and Huerta left the table. Several minutes later, the disarmed Gustavo was arrested in the restaurant. At eleven o'clock that evening, immediately after Generals Huerta and Diaz signed their infamous pact at the American Embassy defining the terms of the new regime, Gustavo was taken from the National Palace to the Mondragon-Diaz headquarters at the Ciudadela. He was held there two hours and, according to reliable information available to us, tortured. Following this ordeal, he was taken under guard for the trip back to his holding cell at the palace. According to the official version of what then transpired, the prisoner broke free from his 12 armed guards and made a dash as the party passed a park near the Ciudadela. The escort commander, a former aide to General Bernardo Reyes, drew his revolver and fired once, hitting Gustavo. The rest of the escort then fired into the prostrate body of the fallen hero, leaving a total of 12 bullet wounds. The body was subsequently carried back to the Ciudadela.

With Gustavo summarily disposed of, the fate of his brother, the President, was sealed. Gustavo, the only real hero of the Ten Tragic Days is gone, but not forgotten. We believe his name will become a rallying cry for opponents of the new regime. Gustavo's blood and the blood of the other martyrs in this tragedy cry out for vengeance. We predict the Mexican people and friends of liberty everywhere will answer the call.

Villa now has the money he needs to finance his revolution and as he continues to become more popular with the common people, he will soon have the forces to confront Huerta directly.

Coahuila is not alone amongst the states of Mexico in its stand against the usurper Huerta. Sonora, another northern state bordering the U.S., has refused to recognize the new regime and is preparing for organized resistance. Morelos, a state south of Mexico City already in the throes of the Zapatista peasant rebellion, is a locus of anti-Huerta fighting. Nevertheless, Carranza is the only sitting governor elected under Madero to personally standup against the Provisional President. Jose Maria Maytorena, a Maderista revolutionary officer and the elected Governor of Sonora, has stepped aside for the present, "for reasons of health." Maytorena is on a leave of absence in Tucson, Arizona. It his absence, the Sonoran legislature and the new Provisional Governor are standing firm in armed opposition. Other key Maderista governors in Chihuahua, San Luis Potosi, and Aguascalientos, all originally expected to stand against Huerta, have either been murdered, arrested, or replaced.

This leaves Governor Carranza as the sole legitimately elected Maderista governor or senior regime official standing in open opposition. He is rapidly becoming the presumptive heir to the mantle of Francisco Madero. Fate sometimes chooses strange agents. Venustiano Carranza seems an unlikely choice to lead a new popular revolution, particularly a revolution anticipated by many to be far more radical than Madero's revolution of 1910. He is a Hacendado, although not from a prominent family. He served as a senator in the powerless national legislature under Profirio Diaz. At 55, with a flowing gray beard, he is generally conservative and no friend of popular democracy. Aloof, cold, and slightly aristocratic in bearing, he largely ignored calls for land reform when he came to power in Coahuila after the revolution of 1910. He is more popular amongst the working classes in Coahuila because of his pressure on foreign interests in the state to pay higher wages and higher taxes. His stance in this regard, however, is probably more a question of his commitment to Mexican nationalism than to labor rights as he has not supported labor actions against Mexican firms. He is, nevertheless, committed to modernization and industrialization.

All observers agree, the road for Carranza will be a difficult one. The forces of Coahuila have already suffered a number of defeats at the hands of the federal army. Who knows whether the aloof aristocrat will be able to rally the strong egos of the former revolutionary commanders to his standard. Will he inspire the peons as Madero did? Only time will tell.

Mexico City: A great many strange tales were born during the Ten Tragic Days, but perhaps none stranger than the story of the Japanese Attaché's singular proposal to Gustavo Madero. During a February 13th meeting at the National Palace, an attaché from the Japanese legation offered to muster 2,000 knife wielding Japanese dressed as peons - 5,000 more if given an additional day. According to the attaché, the Japanese could approach the Ciudadela under cover of darkness from various directions. As fighting was suspended at night and the arsenal guards were invariably under the influence of pulque, it would be short work for the disguised Japanese to quietly dispose of them. After dealing with the guards, they would rush the sleeping rebel garrison and dispatch them with knives, taking possession of the Ciudadela in the interests of Madero and ending the revolt.

To his credit, Gustavo Madero declined the offer, declaring the Mexicans would fight their own battles. Perhaps the attaché had witnessed the performance of the federal forces investing the Ciudadela and realized this was not necessarily the case. In any event, Gustavo may have feared that while the 2,000 Japanese were capturing the arsenal, the other 5,000 might actually be taking the National Palace. Certainly, this story calls into question the fears often expressed by Senator Lodge in the U.S. Senate that Francisco Madero's regime might welcome Japanese aggression on Mexico's Pacific coast.

Ciudad Chihuahua: In its latest outrage against the civilized rule of law and enlightened democracy, the Huerta regime has murdered Governor Abraham Gonzalez, one of Mexico's most respected politicians and the universally recognized spiritual heir to the late president. As has become customary for the brutal vaudevillian farce known as justice under Huerta, the official version of events indicates Governor Gonzales was killed in a crossfire during an ambush by supporters, seeking to free him. Not surprisingly, even a cursory examination of the facts as presented by the government strains credulity beyond all reasonable limits.

Although shocked and outraged by the thinly veiled murder of President Madero, Governor Gonzalez heroically remained at his post here. According to informed sources close to the governor, he was assured by General Rabago, the federal commander there, that he would not be arrested. Friends reportedly warned the Governor of Chihuahua of his impending arrest, but he chose to put his faith in Rabago's word. His faith was misplaced, for he posed far too great a threat to the Huerta regime to be allowed to remain free.

Gonzalez was arrested by federal army officers and placed on a train under guard for further transfer to Mexico City. He never reached the capital. We have learned the officers escorting Gonzalez ordered the train stopped. The governor was removed from the train and shot. In a wholly barbaric act, his body was then placed beneath the wheels of the train and run over. General Rabago is now the Governor of Chihuahua.

With the death of Abraham Gonzalez, Mexico is left with no clear heir to Madero's mantle. The danger now is that the resulting leadership vacuum for the anti-Huerta forces could spark an internal struggle and derail the opposition effort. Some are looking to the Governor of Coahilla, Venustiano Carranza, to pickup the fallen standard of Madero. Some look to the Governor of Sonora, Jose Maria Maytorena. Others whisper the name of Pancho Villa. Villa will certainly be eager to avenge the death of Gonzalez, his mentor and most loyal patron during his recent imprisonment and trial. Only time will tell.

"When Huerta and Felix Diaz set out to crush the various rebellions it will be with an army powerful enough to force the insurgents to submit…."

"No organized attempt…will be made to quell the rebellions until the Government's army is reorganized thoroughly. Under the direction of the ablest authorities, the forces of the republic are being raised to their full strength as rapidly as possible.

"Gen.Huerta is a stern commander, and Diaz is equally insistant in getting the utmost out of his officers and men.

"The surrendering revolutionists, as fast as they come in, are used to swell the ranks of Huerta's forces. At the end of the recent fighting the army was completely demoralized. Many regiments were broken up, and their battalions in many instances were scattered widely. While companies of infantry had disappeared.

"The keynote of the Huerta-Diaz military policy is concentration in the capital. By assembling their forces here it is believed they can reorganize the army more quickly than if they attempted to operate through several rallying points. The Federal District, therefore, is rapidly becoming the camp of an army that promises to be more formidable than any that has been constructed in Mexico in years.

"A load has been taken off the War Department by the return of the Rurales to the authority of the Department of the Interior. Gen. Caos, who has been appointed Commander in Chief of the Rurales, is a competent officer and is recruiting his force to its full strength. At present this arm of the Government service is being used in general utility duties."

Mexico City: More details are emerging about the last tragic days of Mexican President Francisco Madero. While much mystery remains, we have learned President Madero was given, and chose to ignore, advanced warning of the coup, to include a list of conspirators. New specifics regarding the president's arrest and detention are also available. Finally, while the exact circumstances of his death remain shrouded in conflicting official accounts, many in the capital and throughout Mexico are convinced the president was executed by his federal army captors.

According to informed sources at the Palacio Nacional, President Madero's brother, Gustavo, discovered the machinations of the coup planners days before the actual coup began. He provided the president with a list of 22 conspirators, a virtual who's who of the federal army hierarchy, including imprisoned Generals Felix Diaz and Bernardo Reyes. At the top of the list was retired General Manuel Mondragon, followed by active duty officers in key positions, including:

General Blanquet - Commanding the 4,000-man garrison at Toluca, 46 miles from the capital
General Beltran - Commanding the infantry at Tacubaya, a suburb of Mexico City five miles from the National Palace
General Navarette - Commanding the artillery at Tacubaya
Rudolfo Reyes - Lawyer and son of General Bernardo Reyes

General Victoriano Huerta's name reportedly also appeared on the list but with the caveat he had not yet committed to the plan. According to Gustavo Madero, Generals Villar, the senior officer in the capital, Figueroa, commanding the Federal District police, and Felipe Angeles, in command of the garrison at Cuernavaca, could all be trusted as loyal to the legitimate regime. Sources close to the Madero brothers claim Gustavo strongly recommended the immediate reassignment of Generals Blanquet, Beltran, and Navarette to remote posts and the assignment of Angeles to command of the federal forces at Tacubaya. Unfortunately, the information provided the president indicated the coup was not expected to take place until March 16th. President Madero discounted the warning, proclaiming Gustavo to have been duped by some colonel eager to sell him what he wanted to believe. According to Madero, Generals Blanquet and Beltran were above suspicion. Had not Beltran personally arrested Felix Diaz in Veracruz the previous October? Mondragon was known to be plotting against the regime, but what of it? Everyone knew of his maneuvers. If any one of the officers implicated should be looked at with suspicion, it was Huerta - still smarting after being relieved of command of federal forces in the north. The president answered his brother's appeals for action by describing the entire story as preposterous and admonishing him to ignore men anxious to sell outrageous stories. He argued the junior officers of the federal army "would not go on record as disloyal to their Government." A few malcontents amongst senior officers didn't mean the captains and lieutenants of the army would disgrace their uniforms and their sacred duty. Francisco Madero went so far as to forbid his brother from informing General Figueroa of the police.

Within five days of the warning from Gustavo, the coup began. Once it was underway, President Madero persisted in placing his trust in Generals Huerta, Blanquet, and others on the list of plotters. With Villar badly wounded defending the National Palace on the first day and Felipe Angeles arrested for exceeding his orders when he rushed his troops to the capital and into battle, Huerta and Blanquet were free to control the farcical government response to the forces of Diaz and Mondragon.

At noon on February 18th, after 10 days of senseless bloodshed on the streets of Mexico City, General Aureliano Blanquet dressed in his elegant black dress uniform and led a party of officers to the palace. Those at his side included Enrique Zepeda, a relative of Huerta, and Lieutenant Colonel Jimenez Riveroll. They burst into Madero's private office where the president was meeting with a number of his military aides and his cousin, Marcos Hernandez. Blanquet called upon the president to resign and thereby prevent Mexican soldiers from slaying their brothers in "bloody and unnecessary combat in the streets of the capital." Madero refused, saying he would arrange for the vice-president and cabinet to resign, but as the elected head of government, he must remain at his post. Blanquet then announced, "You are my prisoner." Madero's military aides immediately drew their revolvers and opened fire, killing Lieutenant Colonel Riveroll, mortally wounding another officer, and wounding Huerta's relative, Zapeda. The resulting gunfight killed Madero's cousin and two of the presidential aides. After a brief struggle, Madero and his party were arrested and, within an hour, Vice-President Pino Suarez and most of the cabinet were also taken prisoner.

Madero's ultimate fate would not become plain for three days. Huerta and the coup leaders needed the stamp of legitimacy for their seizure of power that a presidential resignation from Madero would provide. There can be little question Madero's eventual resignation was coerced. Once he could be "convinced" to resign, many believed Madero would be permitted to go into exile. On the evening of his February 19th resignation, an official party was waiting anxiously at the Buena Vista Station in the capital. A special express stood in readiness and at midnight a party including Mrs. Madero and Mrs. Suarez arrived and the ex-president and ex-vice-president were both expected at any moment. The train was scheduled to carry the party to Veracruz for further transfer to a steamer bound for Cuba. At 2:00 am, Foreign Minister Pedro Lascurain, who, in accordance with the constitution had assumed the presidency upon the resignation of the president and vice-president, arrived at the station after his immediate resignation in favor of Huerta. He informed the ladies General Huerta had rescinded the order releasing Madero and Suarez and the train would not be leaving. Mrs. Madero swooned and was carried to a waiting car. Lascurain subsequently took a train to Veracruz and boarded the steamer for Cuba.

The next morning, the wives were permitted to visit their husbands in custody at the National Palace. They met briefly, and Madero expressed his hope for release soon. When Mrs. Madero returned later that afternoon, she was refused access to her husband and was informed that he was now being held incommunicado.

Mrs. Madero knew, as her husband did not, that his brother Gustavo had already been "caught in a crossfire" and killed when supporters reportedly tried to free him. Fearing for her husband's life, she proceeded to the American Embassy to appeal personally to Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson. The ambassador informed her he had received assurances from the new regime that Madero would remain safe. Wilson was not so confident about the ultimate fate of the ex-vice-president. Suarez's activities as a Progressive had angered many in the new regime. Mrs. Madero proclaimed her fear both men would soon be killed, as Gustavo Madero had been killed, and she called upon the ambassador to intervene personally and give them the protection of the flag of the United States. Wilson repeated his previous reassurances but offered no personal assistance. She then pressed him to transmit a personal message from the ex-president's mother to President Taft. Wilson accepted the written message and pocketed it without reply. There is no evidence the appeal was ever transmitted.

It seems the foreign offices of a great many nations shared the concerns of Mrs. Madero for her husband's safety. Even our State Department placed itself "on record" as objecting "in advance" to any execution of Madero and Suarez without a trial. On February 21st, the Texas legislature petitioned their U.S. Senators to "use their influence to prevent the execution of Madero."

The Provisional President of Mexico issued a proclamation at three o'clock in the morning on February 23rd reporting the official version of the deaths of the ex-president and his vice-president:

"At 12:30 o'clock this morning, I called together my cabinet to report that Madero and Pino Suarez, who were detained in the palace at the disposal of the Department of War, were taken to the penitentiary in accord with a decision as a result of which that establishment was placed yesterday afternoon under the charge of an army officer for better security. When the automobiles had traversed about two-thirds of the way to the penitentiary, they were attacked by an armed group and the escort descended from the machines to offer resistance.

"Suddenly the group grew larger and the prisoners tried to escape. An exchange of shots then took place in which one of the attacking party was killed, two were wounded and both prisoners killed.
"The automobiles were badly damaged."

"The Government promises that society shall be fully satisfied as to the facts in this case. The commanders of the escort are now under arrest and the facts above recorded have been ascertained so as to clear up this unhappy event."

The official version of events was greeted with much skepticism in the capitals of the civilized world. The British press, in particular, has been vocal in its call for an unbiased investigation by the United States. The Standard described the killings as "an indefensible crime, imposing a load of infamy on the new Mexican administration." The Standard called for immediate "American intervention." The Express demanded British Government pressure for immediate action by the American government. Referring to seeming American government reluctance to act before the actual inauguration of newly elected President Woodrow Wilson, the Express scolded, "revolution and anarchy do not wait on presidential etiquette." The Chronicle accused Huerta of killing Madero and Suarez and asked what the United States proposed to do about it. Finally, according to the Times:

"Civilized nations will put their own construction on the lame and halting story which the successful conspirators now ruling Mexico have chosen to issue. Unless it can be proved to the hilt, foreign observers will retain the opinion that the removal of the two Maderos and Suarez is only fresh proof that the innate ferocity of Mexican politicians and military adventurers remains untamed.

"The most for which the unhappy country can hope is the restoration of a rule not worse than that of Diaz."

The American public, particularly those citizens in the border states of Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and California also looked to their government for answers. Ambassador Wilson issued the following statement:

"In the absence of other reliable information I am disposed to accept the Government's version of the manner in which the deposed President and Vice-President lost their lives. Certainly the violent deaths of these persons were without Government approval, and if the deaths were the result of a plot it was of restricted character and unknown to the higher officers of the Government.

"Mexican public opinion has accepted this view of the affair, and it is not at all excited. The present Government appears to be revealing marked evidence of activity, firmness and prudence, and adhesions to it, as far as I have been able to ascertain, are general throughout the republic, indicating the early reestablishment of peace.

"The Government as constituted is very friendly to the United States and is desirous of affording effective protection to all foreigners.

"For the present, American public opinion should deal with the situation calmly and accept with great reserve the lurid and highly colored stories which are being furnished by some few correspondents. The great majority of the correspondents here are endeavoring to deal fairly with the situation."

At the risk of ranging ourselves alongside what Ambassador Wilson considers the irresponsible "few," we feel bound to ask some questions and relate some further stories, "lurid and highly colored" or not. First, there is the question of the location of the shootings. Why was the motorcade behind the penitentiary and not before the front gates? The location makes no sense, unless it was chosen for its remoteness and privacy from casual scrutiny. If there was an armed ambush intent upon freeing the prisoners, why would it have been planned for the spot behind the penitentiary? It is not on the route between the palace and the penitentiary. It required a detour to reach, and how would Madero's supporters know the motorcade would pass through there?

According to Major Francisco Cardenas, the officer commanding the prisoner escort, the two automobiles had been fired upon as they were crossing a railway line. He returned fire with his revolver and ordered the drivers to increase speed. Having passed the ambush without injury to guards or prisoners, the motorcade encountered another larger band of gunmen, numbering about 12. According to Cardenas, Madero and Suarez broke free from the automobiles and ran toward the gunmen. It was at this point they were caught in the crossfire and both killed. He reported both men sustained multiple wounds from both the front and rear, supporting the assertion they were caught between two fires.

If this is so, why does the official autopsy list only a single gun-shot wound sustained by Madero? Why does it report only a single wound to the base of the skull, with the bullet lodging in the brain? Why were members of the two men's families prevented from attending the autopsy? Why were they prevented from viewing the bodies?

Why were the casualties amongst the guard and the gunmen never verified? We have reliable information suggesting the only blood present at the scene was from the two deposed politicians, who evidently fell next to one another. Theirs was the only blood. They stood next to one another, and they were shot in the back of the head. At the risk of passing on "lurid and highly colored stories," it does not require much imagination to picture the two unfortunates, dragged from their beds at midnight and bundled into two waiting cars under armed guard. Driven to the penitentiary on the outskirts of the capital, their fate must have become increasingly clear to them as they were driven past the main gate and taken to a darkened remote spot behind the penitentiary. Forcibly removed from the vehicles by their escorts and made to stand in the beams of the headlights, there could have been no doubt about what was to happen next. Did they cry out? Did they demand to know upon what authority they were to be summarily executed? Or, did they meekly submit to this final indignity? Has Ambassador Wilson asked himself or General Huerta these same questions? We think not.

El Paso: As armed opposition to Provisional President Huerta increases, "General" Pancho Villa has returned to the revolutionary stage in Chihuahua. The one-time prisoner of the Madero regime who only recently made good his amazing escape from the penitentiary in Mexico City, has now returned to avenge the murders of President Madero, Vice President Pino Suarez, and Governor Abraham Gonzalez. While Villa has yet to rally the many competing Chihuahuan revolutionary commanders to his standard, he is rapidly becoming the popular choice of the peons and cries of "Viva Villa!" are increasingly heard on the haciendas and in the villages of Chihuahua.

Soon after news of Madero's murder reachd him in El Paso, Villa made his way to Tucson, Arizona, to offer his services to Governor Jose Maria Maytorena of Sonora. Maytorena reportedly convinced Villa his services would of more use in Chihuahua than in Sonora and gave him $1,000 to fund his return. Perhaps Maytorena believed Sonora would be safer with Villa fighting in Chihuahua.

Villa returned to his hotel room in El Paso and used the $1,000 to buy horses, guns, and ammunition for himself and eight others. On the night of March 6th, Villa and his companions crossed the Rio Grande near El Paso and brought the revolution back to Chihuahua. The party reportedly carried 500 rounds per man, two pounds of coffee, two pounds of sugar, and one pound of salt.

In the weeks since his return, Villa has embarked upon a campaign to restore justice to the common people of Chihuahua. As the size of his force increases, he is focusing efforts on the haciendas of the powerful Terrazas family. The estates of El Carmen, San Lorenzo, and Las Animas have all been visited by Villista justice. At El Carmen, he executed the administrator and one of his aides. El Carmen was notorious for its treatment of the peons. The administrator claimed the right to sleep with peon wives on their wedding night and was in the habit of staking out troublesome peons in the courtyard of the main compound. Following the executions, Villa opened the grain stores at all the haciendas and announced the abolition of debt peonage. Like Robin Hood, he is redistributing food and wealth to the peons. Wherever he appears, there are cries of "Viva Villa! May God shield and protect you!"

The Bisbee Review Provides Excepts from the New York Times

Mexico City. March 30. - "The Mexican Government has made a formal protest to the American Government against the shipping of arms and ammunition from the United States to the rebels, and has requested that greater vigilance be exercised in guarding the frontier. Mexican officials understand that many consignments of war material, including large numbers of machine guns, have been sent across the border, in some cases even at the regular ports of entry, and are in the hands of the rebels.

"It is pointed out by the same officials that since the rebels are in control of a large part of the frontier, this country is dependent absolutely for the time being on the efforts of the United States to prevent the rebels from obtaining supplies. That the rebels are procuring quantities of ammunition appears to be a fact.

"No notable improvement in the revolutionary situation is apparent. Most of the successes in recent days are credited to the rebels, although severe punishment in minor engagements has been inflicted on the adherents of Col. Carranza, rebel Governor of Coahuila, near Monterey. The report that Carranza and his chief lieutenant, Major Carfias, had been captured has not been confirmed…."

"The Government seems to regard the situation in the Northwest as more delicate than that in Coahuila. Gen. Jose Mier is on his way to take command of the campaign in that territory. The slow mobilization of forces along the Chihuahua-Sonora line continues. These are to be supplemented by troops sent in transports to the west coast ports of Guaymas and Mazatlan. The Government asserts that it soon will have 10,000 men in that region, including many of Orozco's army, commanded by old officers. Thus far few of the former rebels are engaged in the campaign."

Mexico City. In a stunning turn of events, General Pascal Orozco, hero of the Revolution of 1910 and leader of the 1911-12 armed rebellion against the Madero administration, has recognized the Huerta regime. Orozco brings with him as many as 10,000 battle-hardened Colorados, veterans alledged to be"'The Cruelest Men in All of Mexico." Orozco, recently hammered by General Huerta at battles in the north like Bachimba, is now expected to command troops in the field in defense of Huerta's government.

There are conflicting reports coming from the State of Morelos, indicating Orozco's father, Colonel Pascal Orozco, Sr., has either been killed by Zapatistas or is being held prisoner. Colonel Orozco was sent to negotiate with Zapata on behalf of Huerta. Amidst the confusion, the Huerta regime has announced General Orozco will lead his Colorados into Morelos to crush Zapata.

The fact Provisional President Huerta is willing to send Orozco and his experienced Colorados to Morelos to fight Zapata suggests he is confident the northern armed rebellions in Coahuila, Sonora, and now in Chihuahua can be dealt with by the federal army. Maybe he feels safer with Orozco fighting in the south, away from the traditional Orozquista power base in Sonora and Chihuahua. 10,000 additional rifles in Morelos will certainly free Huerta to transfer federal units to the north.

Mexico City. In the wake of February's violent overthrow of the Madero government, international arms dealers are reportedly courting Huerta's military government. Observers here agree the regime will be sorely challenged by revolutionary elements throughout Mexico, most notably in the northern states of Chihuahua and Sonora and in the south where Zapata continues his peasant insurrection in Morelos. While the federal army emerged from the chaos and violence of the Ten Tragic Days relatively unscathed, it is potentially ill-prepared for a protracted revolutionary struggle. Experts agree the army will require an infusion of modern munitions, including a significant increase in the number of heavy machine guns available to front line troops.

Discussions are reportedly underway with representatives of American, British, French, and German arms firms. Federal army ordinance officers assigned to the General Staff are reportedly evaluating French Hotchkiss and American Colt heavy machine guns in light of new contract opportunities. Colt Firearms Company representative Peter "Holly" Martins remains in Mexico City and is reportedly spending freely as he fetes senior officers on the General Staff. Martins is frequently seen at the American Embassy, suggesting he is taking advantage of US Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson's privileged position vis-à-vis the Huerta regime. It is also likely Martins is close to securing a lucrative contract with the Mexican Navy as he is often seen in the company of the American Legation US Naval Attaché.

Despite their privileged access through Ambassador Wilson, American firms may find themselves cut off from lucrative Mexican government contracts if President Woodrow Wilson's new democratic administration continues to deny official recognition of the Huerta regime. There is even talk in Washington of an arms embargo.

BRITISH LEGATION HIT BY ARTILLERY FIRE

Mexico City: Confusion reigns as His Britannic Majesty's Ambassador scrambles to explain his role in the recent upheaval in the capital city. Sir Francis William Stronge, noted diplomat and ornithologist, probably wishes he had never given shelter to Francisco Leon de la Barra as the fighting raged in the city center. In the wake of supposed negotiations hosted at the British Legation and flanked by the British and Spanish Ambassadors, de la Barra called upon President Madero to resign in exchange for a cease fire commitment from Generals Diaz and Mondragon. President Madero reportedly said he would die at his post rather than resign.

Many are asking how the British Ambassador could have allowed himself to become a pawn in this brutal game of revolutionary chess. Perhaps the answer lies in his concern for the safety of British nationals as rebel shells rained down upon the British Legation. Observers here confirm Madero's federal artillery sited two batteries adjacent to the British Legation on De Lerma Street, a few blocks from the Ciadadela. Counter-battery fire from the rebel guns resulted in several rounds striking the British Legation. Although no British subjects were injured in the bombardment, several eyewitnesses report the Ambassador' exotic parrot, Pancho, was nearly killed by shell splinters. Sir Francis was reportedly distraught over the near miss and expressed concern the fighting would make it difficult to obtain the exotic tropical eggs that constitute Pancho's favorite feed. When informed several Britons had narrowly escaped death, the Ambassador reportedly responded, "Hang the Bloody Ex-Pats! Those swine are trying to bag Pancho!"

Individuals with experience in the transport and use of dynamite for industrial purposes please send resume to
P.O. Box Uno Dos Tres
El Paso, TX USA

General Labor. Three positions still available. Apply to Roy Knabeshue.

$ 2,000.00

$ 30.00

"Busted" Gun = 25% of value

• If a you take a gun during a game, and live, you get to keep it
• If the other side concedes, and you tell the umpire that you want to loot the gun, you get a 1 in D6 chance of looting the gun.
• If you forget to mention 'looting' at the end of the scenario, "The Indians get the guns."

Remember: In order to cause an event that is part of a 'cunning plan' you must roll 8+ on 2D6. Your result may be affected by skills possessed by the character you have trying to make the event happen. So some of those 'useless strategic skills' suddenly aren't so useless.

Characters might consider the possibilities of a rewarding career in the fields of: Embezzling, Gambling, or Rustling. Each player may field only 1 'Gambler' character. Embezzlers and Rustlers are not limited, but inquire about the game mechanics.

The umpire has finally developed a strategic use for motor vehicles. Cars and trucks are restricted to driving on marked roads, or alongside railway lines (where it is assumed that there is an access road). Individuals traveling by motor vehicle move at the train rate of 2 towns per week. However, a die roll of a "1" on 1D6 means that the transport has broken down on that leg of the journey.

The umpire is still waiting for further suggestions about skill chits. I may develop an "Educated" chit that provides +1 advantages in; engineering, language=communication, deal making, etc.

Newly created skills: "Life is Cheap" does not entitle the bearer to 'backshoot' other characters, that would be a violation of "The Code Of The West," but it does allow bearers to shoot into crowds, or hand to hand combat disregarding the chance of hitting friendly characters. Hits are determined normally, then the actual victim in the crowd is determined by a random die roll which is influenced by the shooter's marksmanship skills.